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Open Forum
Pakistan at a Crossroads: POL, ECO CHALLENGES, By Piotr Opaliński, 1 March 2025 |
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Spotlight
New
Delhi, 1 March 2025
Pakistan
at a Crossroads
Pol, Eco Challenges
By Piotr
Opaliński
(Former
Polish Ambassador to Pak)
(Mem,
Centre for Intl Relations)
Located
at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East, Pakistan
occupies a strategic place in the balance of geopolitical power, and the
implementation of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) not only shapes
its position in the global economy, but also fits into the competition between
powers for dominance in Eurasia.
In
2024, Pakistan grappled with mounting political tensions, serious economic
challenges, and growing security threats. While it managed to avoid financial
collapse, fundamental structural problems remain unresolved. Will the country
be able to leverage its economic and demographic potential to achieve lasting
stability and development, or will it remain embroiled in a spiral of crises?
The
February 2024 parliamentary elections, which were supposed to restore stability,
have in fact further polarized society. Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI)
party has been subjected to systemic repression, and its leaders have been
removed from public life through legal and judicial action. Meanwhile, the
coalition government formed by the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) and the
Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) has not only failed to stabilize the situation,
but has itself become mired in disputes and mutual accusations of breaking
coalition agreements.
Despite
political instability posing a serious challenge to the country’s stability,
the government has embarked on a wide-ranging economic reform program, both to
avoid a financial crisis and to boost economic growth. The “Uraan Pakistan”
development program, which aims to achieve a 6% annual GDP growth by 2028,
focuses on key sectors: IT (which has grown by 28%), energy, pharmaceuticals,
textiles, and agriculture, with the aim of ensuring the sustainable development
of the entire economy.
Stabilization
measures, falling global commodity prices, and improved supply chains helped
reduce inflation from around 40% in May 2023 to 4.1% in December 2024. At the
same time, foreign exchange reserves increased, improving Pakistan’s ability to
finance imports. As part of fiscal reforms, the government increased tax
collection by 40%, and the modernization of the Federal Board of Revenue (FBR)
improved tax administration.
In
response to the improved macroeconomic situation, the Central Bank began a
rapid cycle of interest rate cuts – from 22% in mid-2024 to 12% in January
2025. Additionally, foreign investment inflows increased by 20%, indicating
growing market confidence in the country’s economic prospects.
Financial
support from the International Monetary Fund played a key role in averting a
crisis, as it provided Pakistan with $3 billion under a stabilization program,
conditional on tax reforms and reduced subsidies. Saudi Arabia and the United
Arab Emirates provided additional support, extending debt repayment dates,
averting the threat of default. The World Bank also pledged $20 billion for
infrastructure projects over the next decade.
However,
fundamental economic problems remain unresolved. High public debt and limited
capacity to maintain long-term fiscal sustainability remain serious risks. GDP
growth in the first quarter of fiscal year 2024/25 was just 0.92%, prompting
the government to lower its annual growth forecast from 3-3.2% to 2.5%. Such a
low growth rate will not be enough to effectively reduce poverty – which still
affects over 40% of the population – or to create enough jobs for the 3.5
million young people entering the labour market each year. It could lead to
deepening social tensions and increasing labour migration.
The
implementation of reforms is also questionable due to political instability and
security threats, which are undermining the confidence of both investors and
citizens. Over the past year, several major European investors have withdrawn
from the Pakistani market, citing regulatory uncertainty and a deteriorating operating
environment.
The
security situation in Pakistan has deteriorated significantly. In 2024, the
number of terrorist attacks increased by 70% compared to the previous year,
reaching 529 incidents, and the number of victims increased by 23% (over 850
killed and 1,100 injured). The majority of perpetrators are Islamic extremists,
mainly from Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and its factions, such as Hafiz
Gul Bahadur and Lashkar-e-Islam, as well as from the Islamic State of Khorasan
(IS-K) group. At the same time, the activity of separatist groups in
Balochistan has increased, as has the number of clashes between Sunnis and
Shiites. According to intelligence reports, attacks are becoming more
coordinated, and terrorists are receiving financial support from abroad. The
threat of cyberattacks on critical infrastructure is also growing, prompting
the government to revise its national security strategy. In addition, the TTP's
use of Afghan territory has contributed to heightened tensions between
Islamabad and the Taliban government in Kabul.
For
Pakistan, China remains a strategic ally, a key arms supplier and the most
important economic partner, especially in the context of the development of the
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, as confirmed by the visit of the Chinese
Prime Minister to Islamabad. Despite the close cooperation, however, tensions
are emerging – Beijing is increasingly irritated by Pakistan’s bureaucratic
problems, its repeated requests for extensions of commitments and threats to
the safety of Chinese personnel involved in CPEC projects.
After
two fatal attacks on Chinese workers last year, the Chinese ambassador to
Islamabad publicly criticized the insufficient security measures, which
coincided with a slowdown in the implementation of some infrastructure projects
and the suspension of the allocation of new funds. At the same time, fears are
growing in Pakistan about the deepening asymmetry in economic relations and
dependence on Chinese capital, which raises concerns about the country’s
long-term financial sovereignty.
Pakistan's
relations with the United States are characterized by a strategic distance
resulting from the divergence of priorities between the two countries. After
the end of the Afghan intervention, Islamabad’s importance to Washington
declined in favor of the U.S. strategic partnership with India, a country that
Pakistan sees as an existential threat. As a result, Islamabad lost its status
as a priority U.S. ally, while being burdened with U.S. sanctions for its
development of missile and nuclear programs.
Despite
the cooling, cooperation in selected areas continues, especially in the fight
against terrorism and countering extremism, where the US sees Pakistan as a key
element of regional stability. The parties maintain limited channels of
cooperation on security issues and development programs. Islamabad, seeking to
avoid isolation, is not cutting ties with Washington but is shifting its
priorities towards China, which deepens mutual distrust.
The
strengthening of US military and economic relations with India complicates
Pakistan’s situation in the region. Although Islamabad does not seek open
conflict, it increasingly sees US policy as part of a broader strategy to
weaken its position in the subcontinent. In the longer term, these relations
are likely to remain transactional, based on short-term interests rather than
the strategic partnership that was the foundation of cooperation a decade ago.
Pakistan’s
relations with India remain tense, primarily as a result of the conflict over
Kashmir, which has been a major factor destabilising relations between the two
countries since the division of the subcontinent in 1947. Islamabad has
expressed opposition to the political and demographic changes imposed by New
Delhi on the territory and the repression of Kashmiri Muslims. Dialogue is
blocked by mutual accusations of supporting terrorism – India accuses Pakistan
of aiding Kashmiri militants, and Islamabad accuses New Delhi of supporting
Baloch separatists.
Hopes
for a breakthrough during the first visit in a decade by the head of Indian
diplomacy S. Jaishankar to Islamabad (for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
summit) turned out to be vain. The fundamental conflict of interests and deep
lack of trust mean that the rivalry between the two countries is chronic, and
regional stability is based more on deterrence than on the real prospect of
agreement.---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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US-India Trade: $120 b SURPLUS, NO DEFICIT, By Shivaji Sarkar, 24 February 2025 |
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Economic
Highlights
New
Delhi, 24 February 2025
US-India Trade
$120 b SURPLUS, NO
DEFICIT
By Shivaji Sarkar
India must proactively safeguard its
interests in the face of potential US tariff actions by pursuing a dual strategy—reducing
economic dependence on the US while pushing for its exit from the WTO. This
shift could position India as a leader in the Global South’s decoupling from
superpower economies, requiring a bold new vision and an aggressive expansion
of trade networks.
Meanwhile, shifting geopolitical dynamics
demands close attention. As US President Donald Trump and Russian President
Vladimir Putin grow closer, the implications for Ukraine could be significant,
especially with Trump criticising Zelensky for avoiding elections. If US
support wanes, can Ukraine hold its ground? NATO allies remain uncertain,
grappling with questions about their future as the US economy teeters. With
America’s moves growing more unpredictable, Europe faces an era of instability.
The US is the 2nd largest goods exporter in the world, behind only
China. The US goods exports to the world totaled $2.1 trillion in 2022, up 17.5
per cent ($307.3 billion) from 2021. It’s 8.5 per cent of the world’s total exports. It is the world’s largest economy by nominal GDP and second largest by
purchasing power parity (PPP). As of 2024, it has the world’s sixth highest
nominal GDP per capita and eighth highest GDP per capita by PPP. The U.S.
accounted for 26 per cent of the global economy in 2023 in nominal terms,
and about 15.5 per cent in PPP terms.
In this scenario, keeping off the US may not
be easy. It is extremely challenging for any developing nation to overlook the
US even if President Donald Trump blatantly speaks of imposing of “reciprocal”
tariff. It means unilaterally the US would impose high tariff and there is no
scope for protest. Diplomatically it may be interpreted as intimidation. Worse,
Trump says that a not so efficient one-engine F-35 single engine stealth
fighter would be dumped because in his perception the trade balance is in
favour of India. That is a myth.
He even says that the Indian tax system
itself is a high tariff barrier. The World Trade Organisation or its
predecessor, GATT, empowers countries to protect their trade and business. But
Trump even says that a uniform goods and services tax (GST) itself is a
barrier. Indeed, Indian lawmakers may now realise that they were told not to
enact the GST. The multiple and variant state sales and other taxes created a
natural wall against trade intrusion. The GST pulled that down and now
one-nation GST itself is the target. India has the option to go back. The
policy planners may now be realising that a one-nation tax is not in the
interest of India’s domestic trade and revenue realisation. Should such moves
be considered an interference in internal affairs is a potent query.
If Trump has his way, he would bulldoze the
domestic economy of many countries for boosting profits of the US businesses.
There is time till April 1 when Trump’s new tax proposal and reciprocity
formula would be made public. India as a sovereign nation need not follow every
dictat but it also has to mull. It can’t take a step that might flare up.
Regarding trade deficits, the US consistently
records deficits with several key trading partners. The largest deficit in
goods is with China, which was about $279 billion in 2023, highlighting the
US’s heavy reliance on Chinese manufactured goods. Mexico follows with a
deficit of approximately $152 billion, primarily due to automotive parts and
vehicles. Vietnam has also emerged as a significant contributor to the US trade
deficit, with figures around $104 billion.
In 2024, the US had a trade deficit of $45.7
billion with India, which was a 5.4 per cent increase from 2023. In 2024, the
US exported $41.8 billion worth of goods to India, which was a 3.4 per cent
increase from 2023. The US imported $87.4 billion worth of goods from India,
which was a 4.5 per cent increase from 2023. From April to December 2024, the
US had a merchandise trade deficit of $210.77 billion. Last year, the US goods
and services deficit increased $133.5 billion, or 17 per cent, from 2023,
according to the US.
In 2023, the United States
exported $36.33 billion in services to India. This was a trade
surplus of $6.47 billion for the US, as India imported $29.86 billion in
services during the same year. In 2024, the United States exported an
estimated $32.66 billion worth of services to India in December, and $251.94
billion in the period from April to November.
The US exports to India include machinery,
nuclear reactors, and boilers: $3.29 billion, aircraft and spacecraft: $3
billion, electrical and electronic equipment: $2.21 billion, optical, photo,
technical, and medical apparatus: $1.99 billion. The US goods trade deficit
with India was $45.7 billion. On the contrary, during April to November 2024,
the US had a services trade surplus of $119.48 billion with India.
The US has been pressurising India even
during the Joe Biden regime. In November 2024, India’s top imports from the US
included petroleum, pearls, precious stones, coal, and electric machinery,
mostly items that are available closer home at competitive prices. India is
made to compromise to enhance the US interests. A developing country, India at
best has nominal surplus. It should not have a hyped reaction from Trump.
The U.S. has a surplus of services, meaning
it exports more services than it imports globally. The U.S. trade-to-GDP ratio
was 27 per cent in 2022, which is lower than the global average of 63 per cent.
This means that compared to the average of all countries, the U.S. has a
smaller proportion of its economy tied to international trade. A lower
trade-to-GDP ratio is interpreted as the U.S. economy is more self-sufficient
and relies less on imports and exports for its economic growth compared to
other countries on average.
India must recalibrate its approach,
positioning itself as an economy grappling with multiple challenges and seeking
global support. At the same time, it should push for WTO reforms, particularly
revisiting the special and differential treatment clause to ensure fairer
global trade. India must reclaim its leadership among developing nations,
exposing the widening gap between the global rich and poor. It should also
boldly assert that the US, with its trade surpluses, has a greater
responsibility to extend concessions rather than demand them.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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India-Ukraine-USA: THINKING THE IMPOSSIBLE, By Dr. D.K. Giri, 28 February 2025 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 28 February 2025
India-Ukraine-USA
Thinking the Impossible
By Dr.
D.K. Giri
(Prof.
NIIS Group of Institutions, Odisha)
Donald
Trump in his second term is moving and shaking things in international politics.
On the eve of Trump’s resumption of office, Israel and Gaza truce took place
resulting in a ceasefire and release of hostages and rebuilding of Gaza. After
taking over as a President, Trump has swiftly moved to end the war in Ukraine.
It was anticipated that Trump would pro-actively bring about a ceasefire in
Ukraine. What is worrying the world is the manner in which he is doing it. His
strategy and steps seem to disrupt the traditional alliance like NATO,
disowning Ukraine to the point of betrayal, embracing Russia amounting to
sleeping with the enemy. It is in order that we analyse the geo-political
implication of Trump’s engagement in Ukrainian war, and its impact on India.
First
of all, Donald Trump dramatically as well as astonishingly bypassed Europe in
his negotiation with Vladimir Putin, let alone the other party in the war, the
Ukraine. Europeans consider Ukraine as the victim of blatant aggression by
Russia. Isolating Europe is a conscious act undertaken by Donald Trump. His
Vice-President JD Vance made an uncharacteristic, undiplomatic and worse, a
scathing attack on European leadership in the Munich Security Conference. Trump
did not distance himself from the speech made by his Vice-President. Trump has
been asking Europe to foot the bill for NATO. In his negotiation with Putin, he
left Europe out. It is another matter that European leadership is regrouping to
respond to the Trumpian snub.
The
French President rushed to Washington to talk to Trump and transmit European
feelings. He said that no peace deal should be concluded by making Ukraine
fully surrender to Russia. Other European countries like Britain have increased
their sanctions against Russia. The British generals have been advocating
putting British boots in Ukraine to fight the war. The German Chancellor in
waiting after last Sunday (23 February) elections Joachim-Fredrich Martin
Joseph Merz has strongly responded to Trump’s policy on Ukraine and his
leadership style. He said, “After Trump’s remarks last week… it is clear that
his government does not care much about the fate of Europe”. What is more, he
called for, “German Independence from the United States”. He added that it
would be his “absolute priority” to strengthen Europe so it does not have to
rely on Washington for its defence”.
Remember,
Germany is by far the strongest economy in Europe. Berlin somewhat assumes,
along with France, the leadership of Europe, leading the European Union comprising
27 member states. Ironically, dumping of Europe by Trump may auger well for the
European countries mainly the EU, as they should begin to build themselves as
the third pillar of global political and security order. When the European
Union completed the political integration after the commercial and economic
harmonising, the EU had promised to promote a certain set of political values –
human rights, freedom, diversity, integration etc. Without a formidable
security apparatus, they were not able to do so. Worse, under the American political security
umbrella, the European countries continued to carry out brisk business
regardless of human rights and liberty etc.
How
Europe would react to will determine the ensuing geo-political order.
Unarguably, Donald Trump’s latest manoeuvre amounting to complete disruption
has resulted in chaos and confusion. That is typical of unusual leadership of
Donald Trump. Europe is going through internal churning. With its history of
domination of the world, Europe cannot be brushed aside. Trump will commit a
grave error by detaching from Europe.
Ukraine
seems to be left in the lurch. Europeans are rallying behind the embattled
Ukraine. In the third anniversary of the bloody war, the European leaders and
those from Canada landed in Kiev in solidarity with Ukraine. President of
European Commission, the Executive Body of European Union, Ursula von der Leyen
was also there who declared that Europe will provide the resources needed by
Ukraine to fight the war. According to observers, Ukraine was led to the war by
Americans and Europeans, now left alone while negotiating a deal. Ukraine is
protesting against being thrown under the bus by the Americans. Perhaps Ukraine
should have read the famous lines of Henry Kissinger, the Secretary of State in
the govt of President Richard Nixon, “To be an enemy of United States is
dangerous, but to be a friend of USA is fatal.” To look at the brighter
picture, Donald Trump is focused on ending the war. It may not be in line with
the Ukrainian expectation. But the end of bloodshed is a good thing to live
with. Trump seems to focus on end not the means.
As
said before, Europe’s reaction to a deal between America and Russia is
important. If, under American ‘betrayal’ and European solidarity, Ukraine does
not agree to the peace deal and continues to fight that will show Trump in a
bad light. It is inconceivable that America will support Russia in the war. May
be not, one can think the impossible under Donald Trump’s administration.
Another possible interpretation is that Trump may be obliging Russians and
winning their confidence through his statements and support in the United
Nations. Calling Russia an aggressor is just use of a term. Getting Moscow to
agree to end the war is what counts. Trump is calling out Zelenskyy as
dictator, sub-par comedian and what not. These may be confidence tricks with
Russians.
Trump
likes to confuse his counterparts by making startling statements. Then he would
do what he likes to and allow the things to settle down for business as usual. He
is doing the same with India. He calls Indian Prime Minister great friend, a
good negotiator, hard working for his (Modi’s) country. Yet, he calls India the
biggest tariff imposer. He arm twists India to buy weapons from USA. At the
same time, he promises to raise India-America trade to 500b USD upto 2030. So
it is difficult to decipher Trump’s statements.
What
is, however, certain is that Trump’s approach to Ukrainian war should
eventually help India. Trump is trying to decouple Russia from China. If that
happens, China will be left alone in challenging United States for respective
spheres of influence. Xi Jinping has a confrontational attitude. On the other
hand, Trump had declared China as the main strategic rival. If China is
weakened, having been deprived of its biggest ally Russia, Beijing will cease
to be aggressive towards its neighbours. That will be good for India. India has
not become a close ally yet of America and it stands by its friendship with
Russia. So, may be unconsciously, Trump’s actions are leading to a convergence
between India and America on Ukraine. That is a good development for India. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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Fresh Look At Indo-US Ties, By Inder Jit, 27 February 2025 |
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REWIND
New
Delhi, 27 February 2025
Fresh
Look At Indo-US Ties
By Inder Jit
(Released on 11 December 1984)
The poll battle is hotting up. Salvoes are
being fired from both sides. Nevertheless, normal life and work must go on. New
Delhi has consequently been taking a fresh look at international relations,
especially those with the US. The initiative for this has come from Washington.
Top American leaders appear anxious to woo Mr Rajiv Gandhi and try to open a
new and happier chapter in Indo-US relations. Initially, Mr George Shultz, US
Secretary of State, broached the subject when he visited New Delhi following
Indira Gandhi’s assassination and talked politics, unlike Mrs Margaret
Thatcher, who kept her call on Mr Gandhi strictly personal. Subsequently, the
visit was followed first by Senator Clairbone Pell and then by a four-member
Senators’ delegation led by Mr Sam Nunn. All of them had only one message. The
US strongly supports “a united independent and prosperous India” --- and earnestly
desires to strengthen Indo-US friendship and mutual cooperation.
From all accounts, Mr Shultz and the Senators
who followed him went back satisfied. Their talk with Mr Gandhi was warm,
cordial and open. Senators Nunn, Glenn and Johnston were particularly pleased
to find Mr Gandhi pragmatic and modern in his approach and outlook. America
appears willing to extend its best help and cooperation to India, especially in
the field of technology so long as it is assured of a fair deal and does not
have to work under the threat of socialisation or nationalisation, directly or
indirectly. They even urged Mr Gandhi to go in more for free enterprise and a
policy of de-socialisation. Mr Gandhi assured them that he was interested
mainly in results. Free enterprise had already been assigned an important role
in India’s development. He was willing to consider any proposition so long as
it subserved the best national interest. He did not accept the suggestion for a
policy of “de-socialisation”. But he said enough to indicate that he is no
prisoner of any ism and wants time-bound results from the public sector too.
India and the US should normally have been
the best of friends. Both are democracies and committed deeply to fundamental
freedoms. Prior to 1947, President Roosevelt played a crucial role in helping
India and other British colonies win independence. Yet, things have not gone
off well between the two countries, thanks mainly to the difference in their
perceptions in regard to the Soviet Union and Washington’s obsession with
communism. The US continues to view the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to
peace and security and its way of life. Consequently, it evolved during the
time of John Foster Dulles a policy of containment of communism through a ring
of military bases around the Soviet Union. India was approached to join the military
pacts. But Nehru firmly turned down any question of joining a military bloc --
and came forward with his own policy of non-alignment, a projection of India’s
sovereignty at home to sovereignty abroad. Matters worsened when in sharp
contrast Pakistan became America’s military ally---and Dulles denounced
non-alignment as “immoral”.
New Delhi’s relations with Washington hit its
lowest when America backed Pakistan on Kashmir at the UN. New Delhi was forced
to fall back on Moscow, which is now seen as a true friend in need --- both in
regard to Kashmir and the 1971 war. Indeed, Kashmir and Pakistan still largely
determine India’s foreign policy. Few in New Delhi today care to recall that in
1962 it was Washington which gave India timely help against China, not Moscow.
India was then only a friend to the Soviet Union and China an ally! Alas, the
misunderstanding has been deepened by the developments in Afghanistan, even
when the Soviet occupation of the country goes against India’s interests.
(Nehru held the firm view that India’s security frontier lay along the Oxus.) New
Delhi viewed the Soviet action as constituting a new threat to the
sub-continent. But the US decision to rush military aid to Pakistan without a
word with New Delhi instantly changed the situation. A threat to the
sub-continent was transformed overnight into a renewed threat to India from
Pakistan.
India continues to be strongly opposed to
renewed military aid to Pakistan and, more especially, to the supply of the
deadly F-16s and, possibly, of AWACS. Mr Gandhi made this abundantly clear to
Mr Shultz as also to the Senators -- a view followed up by the Prime Minister’s
top aides at their meetings with the visiting VVIPs. Mr Gandhi also conveyed to
the US Secretary of State India’s concern over Pakistan’s nuclear plans. New
Delhi is convinced that Pakistan is going ahead with its plans to build an
“Islamic Bomb”, notwithstanding President Zia’s repeated denials and the noises
made in Washington. In fact, one top expert even told the Senators that unless
Washington woke up to this harsh reality, it would face the biggest ever
problem of nuclear proliferation, notwithstanding dedicated efforts by Senators
Glenn, Cranston and others. Islamabad, according to the expert, will be able to
produce the “bomb” before very long and then sell it to the Arab world as the
“Islamic Bomb”. Pakistan and Gen Zia would stand greatly to gain. But the world
would be pushed closer to the brink of nuclear disaster.
Tragically, President Reagan and his
administration fail to see reason and good sense behind New Delhi’s stand and
continue to miss out on India’s psyche and basic approach. Washington does not
still view its aid to Pakistan as constituting a threat to India. It insists
(as did the Senators) that its decision to rearm Pakistan is vital from the
viewpoint of containing the Soviet Union. The Senators even argued --- as did
John Foster Dulles in the early 1950s --- that the military aid being pumped
into Pakistan is in the larger interests of India and the sub-continent. But in
doing so they ignore the fact that the rearming of Pakistan is no answer either
to the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan or to the containment of communism. All
the aid that is being poured into Pakistan cannot possibly stop the Soviets
militarily. But the aid has further bedevilled relations between India and
Pakistan and prevented New Delhi from putting its head together with Islamabad
to meet the threat to the sub-continent.
New Delhi impressed on the Senators its view
that Gen Zia is using Afghanistan for his own purposes and is, indeed, taking
Washington for a ride. Nothing suits the General more than massive US military
aid in the context of his plans to perpetuate himself in power --- plans since
further confirmed by his farcical offer of a referendum which amounts to
bluntly saying: “Heads I win, tails I win!” Senators, for their part, argued
that India had no reason to fear Pakistan. India would be militarily superior
even after all the promised aid was given. However, they were told that India’s
military superiority was not new. It had proved itself superior initially in
1947 and again in 1964, 1965 and 1971. Nevertheless, this had not made Pakistan
see reason and desist from repeated military adventures. These had cost India heavily
and deflected it from its primary task of development and of banishing poverty.
In fact, the Senators were candidly told that the recent riots in Delhi had
underlined the need to step up the fight against poverty. They were marked by
an attack by the have nots on the haves – the first shots in a class war.
Much of the trouble stems from the fact that
the US does not appear to be clear about the best way of getting the Soviet
Union out of Afghanistan. Washington has advisedly ruled out military action.
The answer lies in a political solution. India alone is in a position to play a
useful role and provide the two Super Powers a meaningful channel of
communication and dialogue. Yet, the US has not thought it fit to persuade
itself and Pakistan to involve India in the exercise. New Delhi is clear that
talks for a solution of the Afghan imbroglio have to be held not only with the
Soviet leaders but also with the Afghan Government. True, this would amount to
a recognition of the Babrak Karmal regime. But then New Delhi asks: Did not
Washington recognise Red China when it decided to talk to Beijing? Did Sadaat
not deal directly with Israel? New Delhi is also opposed to continued aid to
the Mujahideen and feels it would only end up in turning Afghanistan into
another Sovietised Mongolia, as amply indicated by Brezhnev to Indira Gandhi
during his visit to New Delhi in December 1980.
The Reagan administration needs to be clear
on certain fundamentals vis-a-vis India, the sub-continent and the region.
Washington cannot talk of greater friendship and a new chapter in mutual
relations even as it plays politics in India’s backyard and ignores this
country’s vital interests. India has as great a stake as Pakistan or the US in
getting the Russian Bear only to drink the waters of the Oxus and not of the
Indus or the Arabian Sea. The US also needs to take cognisance of the fact that
its policy of rearming Pakistan is only pushing India more and more into the
Soviet arms, as during the early 50s. (Where else does India get matching or
superior aircraft or military hardware?) What is more, this policy is
encouraging Pakistan to create trouble in Punjab through the extremists. The US
administration also needs to understand that India is strong enough to deal
with the extremists. Pakistan, too, has to be made to appreciate this. India
may have its plate overfull. But it has, once again, showed its remarkable
capacity to meet challenges as shown by Mr Rajiv Gandhi’s peaceful elevation to
the office of Prime Minister.
New Delhi has made it clear to the visiting
Senators that India has no designs on Pakistan and, contrary to what Islamabad
might say, is genuinely interested in seeing it strong and stable. India seeks
nothing but peace and stability in the sub-continent. Washington’s interest
lies in pursuing a policy which will strengthen peace and stability in the
sub-continent. It can do so best by recognising India’s position and in making
it an anchor of stability and development in the region. It must recognise that
the more it diverts India from its primary task of development the more it
strengthens the forces of destabilisation. Importantly, it appreciates India’s
position in the region. Ironically, however, it builds up Pakistan as a bulwark.
Mr Shultz assured Mr Gandhi that the US viewed India with “sympathy and
understanding” and stood for “a stable and prosperous India”. The assurance
will have meaning only if Washington corrects its perspectives, perceptions and
priorities. New Delhi will judge Washington not by its professions but by its
actions. --INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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Favouring Middle Class: AGAINST DEVELOPMENT?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 26 February 2025 |
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Open
Forum
New
Delhi, 26 February 2025
Favouring Middle
Class
AGAINST DEVELOPMENT?
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Most governments have been favouring the
middle class, and the present dispensation too has done so in the recent
budget. However, it needs to be pointed out that this class is heterogeneous,
classified by different occupations, education and income levels. The most
important thing that needs to be understood is that the middle class cannot be
considered as one unit as there is a wide difference in the income levels of
the upper section and the lower section of this group.
It is believed that the middle class
represents a sizable consumer market for both domestic and global businesses.
The economic potential of the middle class only became a major phenomenon in
the 21st century when it started to attract attention for its potential to
drive global consumption. India’s contemporary middle class is more multi-dimensional
with economic growth since the 2000s spawning the formation of multiple middle
classes -- an ‘old’ or established middle class and an emerging ‘new’ middle
class, a section of which are very much near to the rich.
A section of this class also faces challenges
such as increasing joblessness, underemployment, business failures and
potential social unrest. Delving into the past, India’s middle class first
emerged in the early 19th century, when the British policies gave rise to a
small group of educated, upper caste, English-speaking Indian elite.
According to rough estimates, just 6.6 crore
Indians are middle class today. Most Indians earning $3-10 dollars a day may
fit this broad profile. Well known economist, Thomas Piketty and his Indian
collaborators, recently labelled this group as the middle 40 per cent, those
between the top 10 per cent and the bottom 50 per cent in income terms. But the
40 per cent may be divided by the upper middle class constituting around 12 per
cent and the rest belonging to the lower middle class.
The wide variation of income within India’s
middle class yields a substantial diversity in spending patterns. The lower
rungs of the middle class spend much of their income on private healthcare and
education, essential consumables but very few have money left for purchase of
assets such as motorbikes and basic household appliances. However, it is only
the upper rung that can afford to spend a part of their income not only on
private healthcare and quality education but also discretionary goods,
entertainment, property and personal services. The upper middle class is more
likely to own assets such as cars, computers, air conditioners and washing
machines.
The recent justification of raising the
income limit to Rs 12 lakh from the next financial year – which, in effect,
comes to Rs 12.75 lakh (Rs 75,000 being standard deduction) -- to enhance
consumption expenditure may not, however, be applicable to the whole group but
to only the upper middle-income sections. A section of economists is of the
opinion that this measure may not help in invigorating the economy as the
reduced tax collection may hamper developmental expenditure, which could have
improved the conditions of the lower echelons of society.
A person earning over Rs 1 lakh per month
cannot be out of the tax net as, in reality, his or her actual income may be
much more. The other income, specially in the case of doctors, is by cash which
is not shown in the Income Tax file. In a country like India, where
developmental expenditure is huge, revenue generation must be boosted up. But
it is unfortunate that there is no super rich tax in India, as suggested by
agencies such as Oxfam, or an inheritance tax, which is there is most countries
of the world.
It needs to be pointed out here that the
financial crunch has engulfed the states which have very little expenditure
left for developmental purposes. With the new tax regime, estimates varying
between Rs 2 to 3 lakh crore would be lost as around a huge number of people
will not be paying taxes. Thus, the share of revenue for the states would
further decline, leading to huge curtailment of development
expenditure.
Favouring the middle class has been a tenet
with political parties and politicians, who must adapt to the old vote banks of
caste and religion into micro-identities and coalesce into unpredictable social
formations. Keeping in view the total middle class, there is a tendency to
ensure all sorts of favour to this section. Though it would not benefit a big
number, the 8th Pay Commission would further increase that pay
scales of Central government employees and put pressure on the state
governments to revise the pay structure of their employees.
This widens the income inequality between the
urban and the rural populations – government employees, on the one hand and
unorganised sector workers, farmers and small shop owners, on the other. The
chances of a hike in the minimum wage for farmers are remote and also a
revision in the commodity prices so that big farmers may have enough to pay
their farmhands. Economists have predicted that farmers in agri-based economies
like India have for long been subsidising the urban middle class.
Note that in different parts of Central
India, soybeans are presently selling at Rs 3800-Rs 4000 per quintal, way below
its minimum support price of Rs 4892 per quintal, pushing farmers’ incomes
significantly down. In fact, soybean prices are what they were in 2014 whereas
the salary of a middle-class salaried person has increased by around 25 per cent
at the least. No wonder then that outstanding crop loan of farmers stood at
nearly Rs 35 lakh crore in the country as of March 2024 with Maharashtra
leading with over Rs 7 lakh crore.
In view of the policies of pampering the
middle-income sections, the economically weaker sections and low-income groups
are being left behind and do not gain in any way. Even with rising costs, a big
percentage of the middle class whose annual income is around Rs 5-6 lakh a year
also do not benefit in any way.
If infrastructure development needs to be
intensified, resource generation must be geared in a bigger way. It is strange
why the government does not want to impose a one per cent tax on the super-rich,
say for funding rural schools and health centres, which are in a dilapidated
condition, and transferring the entire amount to say 40 to 50 schools and
health centres in every state. Added to this, the incomes of professionals like
doctors, engineers and architects, not to speak of developers and builders
should be strictly monitored and, if necessary, a special cell should be
created in the IT department. A clearer picture would help the government to
make an informed decision and refrain from going all out to woo the voter. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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